贯彻习近平法治思想建设高质量的制度体系

习近平法治思想对新发展阶段全面依法治国作了重大部署,强调提高国家制度竞争力,以"中国之制"支撑"中国之治"。高质量制度体系是坚持和完善中国特色社会主义制度的重要举措;是遵循制度建设规律、持续保持制度显著优势的必然要求;是满足人民新时代需求、全面实现国家治理现代化的可靠路径;是凝聚改革发展共识、稳步推进现代化强国建设进程的坚强保障。应当准确界定高质量制度体系的内涵、确定其实质与形式评价标准,并在中国特色制度逻辑框架内,提出建设高质量制度体系的具体构想:坚持党的集中统一领导与尊重人民群众的首创精神的统一;坚持问题导向、目标导向和结果导向的统一;尊重制度建设的规律性与民主性的统一;坚持类型化与协调性的辩证统一;坚持制度的评估机制与自我调节机制的统一;坚持制度的稳定性与创新性的统一。     

Validation studies of the ParaDNA® Intelligence System with artificial evidence items

Short tandem repeat (STR) profiling is one of the mostly used systems for forensic applications. In certain circumstances, STR profiling is time-consuming and costly, which potentially leads to delays in criminal investigations. LGC (Laboratory of the Government Chemist, UK) Forensics has developed a robust STR profiling platform called the ParaDNA^® Intelligence Test System which can provide early tactical intelligence and aid investigators in making informed decisions on sample prioritization for detection. Here, we validated the ParaDNA intelligence test for its application in forensic cases using a range of mock evidence items following guidelines set by the Scientific Working Group on DNA Analysis Methods (SWGDAM). Specifically, we tested the sensitivity and accuracy of the ParaDNA intelligence test, as well as the success rates for detecting mock samples and for use in case scenarios. Our findings demonstrate that the ParaDNA intelligence test generates useful DNA profiles, especially for samples such as blood, saliva, and semen that contain ample DNA, indicating the benefits of including ParaDNA as a prior step in forensic STR profiling pipelines.     

国际制度设计视角下的澜湄合作

为什么在湄公河流域已经存在数十个国际合作机制的情况下,还要建立澜湄合作(LMC)这一新型次区域合作机制?既有研究大多强调湄公河流域大国国际制度主导权竞争的宏观背景因素,而较少关注澜湄合作机制的新制度特征及其形成原因,即澜湄新型次区域合作机制究竟"新在何处"。与大湄公河次区域经济合作机制(GMS)等既有国际机制相比,澜湄合作机制具有两大新的制度特征:一是议题范围更加广泛,除了传统的区域经济合作议题外,还增加了区域安全合作以及水资源合作等新议题;二是集中程度更高,与之前合作机制主要由"职能部门引领"以及"借用"亚洲开发银行作为国际秘书处的做法不同,澜湄合作机制采取了"领导人引领、各部门参与"的机制运行模式,并逐步建立独立的国际秘书处。通过运用国际制度理性设计的理论模型,本文考察了在湄公河流域国际合作中上游国家与下游国家之间所面临的日益严峻的分配问题和执行问题,并以此解释了澜湄合作新制度特征的形成原因。     

人工智能时代的司法权嬗变

人工智能时代的司法权面临大数据、云计算、区块链等信息革命成果的重大刺激和影响。中国的司法权理论在人工智能时代亟需建构新的理想图景。在法律适用与事实认定上，人工智能将相关关系的思维方式引入裁判决策，通过大数据库实现“同案同判”，并导致司法权从被动行使到主动出场。在司法的公正价值与效率追求上，人工智能的应用将带来司法成本的锐减、司法效率的指数级提升、司法公正的重新审视以及裁判主体的智能化建构。在司法的制度规制与技术约束上，信息技术的硬约束将代替司法制度的软规范，可以运用区块链技术升级证人保护制度以及尝试建构审前风险评估制度。     

皮埃尔·诺拉的“记忆之场”与国族认知——兼论《普鲁斯特之<追忆似水年华>》

20世纪80年代后，学界的“记忆”研究逐渐兴起。法国当代史学名家皮耶?诺哈主编的多卷本《记忆之场》引领了这一潮流，将之聚焦于富有象征意味的“记忆之场”上。诺哈区分了“记忆”与“历史”，指出了“记忆”的“场所”具有的物质性、功能性与象征性，并以庞大的篇幅建构了法国国族自我认知的社会史。其中，孔帕尼翁的《普鲁斯特之<追忆似水年华>》将普鲁斯特及其作品视为一种“记忆之场”，探讨了“泛普鲁斯特学”、成为“法国伟大作家”的普鲁斯特及其成功的社会基础，将“普鲁斯特”这类“建构之象征物”纳入到“法国之所以成为法国”的研究中，表明其保证了一种集体性的、文化与身份认同的再生产；该文也代表了作品研究的另一种进入方式。     

Theoretically,yes, but also empirically? How the corruption-turnout link is marginally explained by civic duty to vote

Corruption is generally associated with low electoral participation. A recurrent explanation of the negative correlation between corruption and electoral turnout involves the rational calculus of the costs and benefits of voting. More specifically, in a context of high corruption, citizens do not vote because they think that doing so will hardly affect policy decisions. A number of influential studies has argued that corruption affects citizens' electoral engagement in a different and more fundamental way as well: It erodes their sense of civic duty to vote in elections. Yet, a relation between corruption and civic duty and a mediation effect of the attitude remains empirically untested. This article examines empirically whether perceived corruption and sense of civic duty are correlated, as well as whether civic duty mediates the relation between perceived corruption and turnout. It does so with the pooled Making Electoral Democracy Work data, as these data contain measures on individuals’ sense of civic duty to vote in four election levels, namely, national, regional, European, and municipal elections, as well as on their perception of corruption in each of these government levels, and on their participation in these four election levels as well. I find a weak relation between perceived corruption and civic duty, and a low mediation effect of the attitude (compared with rational factors), irrespective of the election level.     

有效治理的双重实践逻辑——浙江T市“最多跑一次”改革分析

地方政府发起的治理实践在行动方向上有两种倾向：强推动与弱推动；在行动结果层面，又存在两种面向：无效与有效；在行动过程中为确保有效治理，常常需要整合正式制度与非正式制度的各自优势。浙江“最多跑一次”改革中综合运用规划政治、干部考核、小组机制、情感治理、一把手负责等策略，党政体系、正式制度与非正式制度、正式权力与非正式权力被整合调动，有效治理呈现出别具特色的双重实践逻辑。有效治理的双重实践逻辑，确保了政府行动的合法性，同时为制度自信与治理现代化提供基础性保障。     

网络空间军事化及其国际政治影响

网络空间军事化是指各国将网络空间相关的资源及技术持续投入军事和安全领域以实现战略目标的过程。近年来,国际网络空间军事化的速度明显加快,各国先后通过一系列举措来完善网络安全战略规划,扩张网络军事组织体系,并在物理、应用和人文层面强化自身的进攻性网络行动能力。网络空间军事化对国际政治领域造成了较为明显的影响,网络空间威胁被"过度安全化","网络军备竞赛"提上日程,"网络恐怖主义"如影随形。为了应对这种复杂局面和态势,各国开始发展在网络空间的威慑能力,积极投入网络空间国际规则的制定,并致力于推动关键基础设施保护由传统国内治理模式转向有限度的国际合作。探讨网络空间军事化及其国际政治影响,分析各国以及国际社会的应对方式及其限度,对于深入理解当前网络空间国际治理的现状及其困境具有重要意义。     

The European lavender vote: Sexuality,ideology and vote choice in Western Europe

In many European democracies, political punditry has highlighted the attempts of political parties on the left to court the ‘lavender vote’ of lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals. This article examines the presence of a gay vote in Western Europe with a focus on assessing the role of sexuality in shaping individuals’ political preferences and voting behaviour. Empirically, the effect of sexuality on both ideological identification as well as party vote choice is analysed. Using a cumulative dataset of eight rounds of the European Social Survey between 2002 and 2017, this article demonstrates that partnered lesbians and gay men are more likely than comparable heterosexuals to identify with the left, support leftist policy objectives and vote for left-of-centre political parties. The analysis represents the first empirical cross-national European study of the voting behaviour of homosexual individuals and sheds new light on the importance of sexuality as a predictor of political ideology and voting behaviour within the Western European context.     

Legitimacy and institutional purpose

ABSTRACT

Institutions undertake a huge variety of constitutive purposes. One of the roles of legitimacy is to protect and promote an institution’s pursuit of its purpose; state legitimacy is generally understood as the right to rule, for example. When considering legitimacy beyond the state, we have to take account of how differences in purposes change legitimacy. I focus in particular on how differences in purpose matter for the stringency of the standards that an institution must meet in order to be legitimate. An important characteristic of an institution’s purpose is its deontic status, i.e. whether it is morally impermissible, merely permissible, or mandatory. Although this matters, it does so in some non-obvious ways; the mere fact of a morally impermissible purpose is not necessarily delegitimating, for example. I also consider the problem of conflicting, multiple, and contested institutional purposes, and the different theoretical roles for institutional purpose. Understanding how differences in purpose matter for an institution’s legitimacy is one part of the broader project of theorizing institutional legitimacy in the many contexts beyond the traditional context of the state.